How do you like to be remembered?
This is from the daily report of our manager in Calamba, Cynthia on cremation. We are and not moving in this direction. Here is the product of her data gathering:
"The Change in Rite: From
Inhumation to Cremation during the Greek Dark Ages
The years between the end of Mycenaean culture and the
beginning of Archaic Greek culture are notoriously fraught with uncertainty.
Many histories of Greece focus on Mycenae and the rise of the Greek city state,
but completely ignore the years between. The lack of permanent settlements and
increased pastoral life during the Greek Dark Age[1] resulted in far less
archaeological data than previous and subsequent eras. However, the data which
does exist shows some continuity with previous Mycenaean culture. Some of the
best evidence of the Submycenaean period [2] came from the graveyards in
the Dark Age settlements. The breakdown of the culture and the subsequent
redistribution of the Greek population led to a change in burial practice that
had some commonalities with previous Mycenaean society.
Cremation burial began during the Submycenaean and became
the accepted standard by 700 BCE.[3] This shift is well attested
and widespread, but the reasons for it are not entirely clear. During the early
twentieth century the importance of the cremation shift was disregarded—folklorist John Lawson simply
argued that the Greeks wanted the body to decay and that the method did not
matter[4]. Since then, there has been
interest in the change in funerary practice. Many theories have attempted to
explain the sudden shift to an entirely new form of burial. The outdated
arguments of archaeologists Anthony Snodgrass and Spyridon Iakovides attempted
to show the influence of Anatolian culture on Greek burial practice.[5] Yet, they did not adequately
demonstrate Anatolian influence on Attic[6] society, nor did they
effectively argue parallels between Euboean[7], Chalcidian[8], and Dodecanese[9] cremation patterns.[10] More recent arguments
disputed their claims, and attempted to reexamine the issue of the cremation
burial shift. One explanation of the impetus behind the sudden shift towards
cremation burial was a change in ideology. Archaeologist Marina Thomatos speculated
that “if
one is to assume that some new ideology existed for the perception of the body,
one may assume that this too was influenced from somewhere in the East.” [11] Yet, Thomatos, Iakovides,
and Snodgrass all ignored internal influence such as change in social
stratification and previous Mycenaean rituals which may have influenced the
seemingly newfound choice of cremation burial.
Thomatos disagreed with Iakovides and continually asserted
that the rite of cremation was not brought about by direct or indirect
influence of a foreign group, although Thomatos did not offer a substantial
explanation for the change.[12] Thomatos based his argument
against Iakovides on the strongly Greek cultural foundation of the cemeteries
excavated. In addition, Thomatos argued that Anatolia had little to no
influence on the Argolid[13] during this period.[14] In his examination of the
excavation of the cemetery at Torone[15], archaeologist John
Papadopoulos also disagreed with Iakovides. Iakovides argued that Euboea had
cultural influence over Torone and came to the conclusion that there were
parallels between the cremation styles in both locations. Yet, Papadopoulos
stated that burial patterns at Torone did not resemble other Greek cemeteries
such as Lefkandi or any known Euboean site.[16] He argues against external
influence and turns to Mycenaean civilization. Papadopoulos writes, “If anything, the closest
parallels for the Torone cremations are the […] Submycenaean tombs of
Athens.”[17]
The question remains as to
why the Greeks adopted the rite of cremation. The process of cremation was in
no way economically beneficial. Archaeologist Mike Parker Pearson reported that
Bronze Age burials in the Scottish Isles required about a ton of dry wood to
successfully cremate a corpse.[18] While Pearson’s figure is a liberal
estimate, it is not unrealistic. 19th century coke-fired[19] cremators required 500
kilograms of fuel to get up to working temperature and 250 kilograms for each
subsequent cremation.[20] While coke-fired cremators
operate differently from Greek pyres, they illustrate the amount of fuel needed
for a far more efficient cremation process. The open air cremations of certain
Hindu sects are a much closer analog for ancient cremations. An environmental
non-governmental organization reports that 400-600 kg[21] of wood is used for a modern
open air cremation.[22] Therefore an estimate of
between half and a full ton of wood is an appropriate estimate for an ancient
cremation.
While there was some
prosperity towards the end of Late Helladic IIIC period[23], the distribution of wealth
during the Greek Dark Age “[spread] more widely, if more thinly, across
the population base.[24]” Based on evidence of many
Dark Age graveyards, it is impossible to draw definitive connection between
economic status and preference of cremation.[25] There was no economic
impetus to choose cremation over inhumation, especially during the Dark Age.
The amount of timber required would be an economic strain on all communities
desiring to cremate any portion of their populace. Yet, restrictions on
cremation only appeared when absolutely no timber was available. Moreover, the
presence of timber itself was not necessarily a factor in the adoption of
cremation. Greater Macedonia for example, was known for its desirable and
copious supply of silver fir and pine trees, but practiced no cremation.[26]
This shift in burial practice
appeared most visibly in a few cemeteries in Greece. The cemeteries of Torone
and Lefkandi provided ample evidence for the change in rite. These cemeteries
all experienced a shift towards cremation which to some degree involved rites
associated with inhumation burial. No known graveyard displays an exact
chronology beginning with inhumation, followed by cremation burials treated
similarly to inhumation, and ending with a pure form of cremation burial. Yet,
each graveyard contains a general transition from inhumation to cremation
burial with intermediate forms like a secondary cremation (Torone) or a
cremation/simulacrum[27] burial
(Lefkandi/Vergina/Assarlik).[28] While cremation did not become
the dominant form of burial in each cemetery, after LHIIIC[29] cremation became the normal
form of interment. [30]
The Iron Age cemetery of
Torone displays an almost perfect chronology of the shift from inhumation to
cremation in the sense that there is no evidence of an “inhumation tomb contemporary
with or later than a cremation tomb of the later period of use of the cemetery.”[31] Papadopoulos’s dating gave accurate
approximations of tombs relative to one another, but not within a wider
chronological context. This means that the final inhumation tombs were between
LHIIIC and the Early Protogeometric.[32] [33] Torone was significant
because of the cremation style that occurred there. As in Athens, a “secondary cremation” occurred, in which the
corpse was burned outside of the grave with the ashes collected in a vessel.
After 700 BCE, “primary” cremation became the
dominant form of burial. The deceased was burned on a pyre within the tomb
itself.[34]
Like Torone, the Attic
cemetery of Perati also showed “secondary cremation” burials. In his excavation
of Perati, Iakovides noted eighteen cremation burials. The cremations occurred
at all phases[35] of cemetery. In terms of
Mervyn Popham's chronology of Lefkandi, the first two phases were LHIII, while
the third was Submycenaean.[36] The burials were of both
sexes, and occurred in all age groups—including children. Iakovides
determined that there was no pattern in the cremations, and therefore no
conclusion could be drawn based on who was buried—the cremations at Torone were
also of all ages and sexes.[37] Due to the lack of foreign
material, Iakovides ruled out direct foreign influence. He also noted that
because young children were cremated, it was unlikely that the idea for
cremation spread through members of the attic population traveling abroad.[38] The pottery in the graves of
the cremated children was of a local variety, making it likely that the
cremations were not foreigners.[39] Iakovides came to the
conclusion that “cremation had been known and practiced in
several regions of Anatolia from the early Bronze Age [....] It was then
adopted by Mycenaean settlers in the cemetery at Muskebi.”[40] The cremations of Perati were not as complete as other Greek
cremations which occurred around the same time. The bodies were burned for far
less time than the cremations of Lefkandi and Torone. Iakovides comments, “This incomplete cremation
meant that the same body might be partly charred and partly calcinated.”[41] Iakovides also mentioned
that the bone fragments were bluish in color.[42] According to Jonathan
Musgrave, gray-blue coloration of the osteological material indicated that the
bones were “very
poorly burned: some organic content still present.”[43] Musgrave acknowledged that a
variety of sources can be the source of skeletal staining, citing “green = bronze, purple =
cloth of Homeric hue and quality.”[44] Yet, Musgrave did not list
any grave goods or organic material that could cause bluish staining. Judging
by Iakovides's report of shorter cremations, it is fair to say the cremations
of Perati were a “fair/poor-average/variable” on Musgrave's DGCREM (degree of cremation) scale.[45] In a separate examination of
Dark Age cremation, Musgrave wrote that the skeletal material was in general “heavier, and, for want of a
better work ‘chunkier.’”[46] He argued that “this may reflect a change in
technique or tradition; or indeed both.”[47]
The Dark Age site of
Lefkandi, like Torone, was composed almost entirely of graves that had cremated
remains. Only five burials were confirmed inhumation graves, while twenty more
were possibly inhumed.[48] Lefkandi did not necessarily
show the first transition from inhumation to cremation so much as it showed an
intermediary form of cremation burial representative of the Greek Dark age. In
117 graves at Lefkandi, there was no trace of skeletal material found. Many of
these tombs were sealed cist[49] graves which contained
traces of clothing. Yet excavators did not find discoloration of the soil
indicative of decayed bone. In addition there were a few inhumation graves in
which the bones did not indicate decay on the scale needed for the entire
corpse to disappear. The soil itself was not acidic enough to cause
decomposition of an entire skeleton.[50]
While an inhumed corpse could
not have disappeared without a trace, the small bone fragments left after a
cremation could have decomposed unnoticed.[51] Tombs that lacked skeletal
material and contained earrings, pins, or bracelets laid out in the style of an
inhumation burial began in the Submycenean period and continued into the
Protogeometric. Archaeologist Petros Themelis' interpretation of the vast
number of tombs lacking skeletal material, some of which were in the style of
inhumation tombs, was that a “secondary cremation” must have taken place.
Themelis also looked at the data from the pyres found at the graveyards at
Lefkandi. Excavators found small groups of bones in the pyres which Themelis
asserted were the result of bone collection after the cremations took place.[52] Themelis' interpretation was
that the corpses were not buried in the pyre itself, but their remains were
collected and buried after. The statistical data also supported this point
because there was a rough one-to-one ratio between tombs and pyres at the Palia
Perivolia graveyard at Lefkandi.[53]
The associated grave goods
also distinguished the few inhumation graves at Lefkandi. In a Protogeometric
grave at Lefkandi, ten arrow heads and an iron sword were entombed with the
corpse. Themelis considered this and another inhumation grave to be “warrior graves.”[54] The rite of inhumation generally
grew rarer in the years leading up to Geometric and Classical periods in
Greece. Yet, two of the five definite inhumation graves were considered warrior
graves, one of which was buried during the Protogeometric. Themelis considered
this statistically significant and worth examining. He discussed a possible
interpretation of the inhumation burials, arguing the possibility that these
graves contained warriors buried in an older Mycenaean style, as if to hearken
back to the days of palatial prosperity. He acknowledged that this
interpretation assumes the Dark Age population possessed a working knowledge of
culture prior to the Mycenaean collapse. Themelis ultimately found this
interpretation too speculative and lacking data. But other theories concerning
the shift from multiple to single burials argued for the continuity between the
cultures of the Middle Helladic[55] and Submycenaean period. The
idea of a Submycenaean society that possessed a notion of Middle Helladic
burial practice is not unbelieveable.[56]
The significance of
inhumation burial at Lefkandi was inextricably linked to ceremony because of
the presence of war-related grave goods. If there was symbolic importance for
inhumation at Lefkandi, the same was true of cremation. The difference in burial
style at Lefkandi directly contradicted Lawson's statement that, “at no period […] have the Greeks regarded
inhumation and cremation as means to different religious ends.”[57]
This so-called “secondary cremation” style indicative of Lefkandi
may have appeared in other Dark Age sites.
When the site of Vergina was initially excavated by Manolis Andronikos,
he considered inhumation the normal burial type because of the arrangement of
grave goods. However, like at Lefkandi, there was almost no skeletal material,
with only a few teeth at most. Andronikos attributed the lack of skeletal
material to the acidity of the soil. This explanation was problematic because
the soil at Vergina could not possibly be acidic enough to have dissolved an
entire skeleton.[58] Themelis suggested that a
similar phenomenon occurred at both Lefkandi and Vergina. In addition he made a
comparison between Lefkandi and another site. At the site of Assarlik,
excavators found full-length cist graves with no definite traces of burning as
well as no traces of skeletal material. This cist grave might be a parallel to
both Vergina and Lefkandi, although the arrangement of grave goods was not well
documented, and therefore impossible to tell whether they were arranged in an
inhumation-style burial.[59] The burial remains at both
Lefkandi and Vergina suggested that a simulacrum may have been buried as the
primary burial, followed by cremation as a secondary form.
The Dark Age cremations which
occurred at Lefkandi, Vergina, Assarlik, and to some extent Torone and Athens
had roots in symbolism. The arrangement of the grave-goods in the simulacrum
burials at Lefkandi, Vergina, and Assarlik gave them incredible significance.
The secondary cremations at Torone and Athens demonstrated a culture that
seemed to be experimenting with a new form of burial and symbolism. Yet, all
these anomalies and significant features still do not provide evidence for the
reasons behind the change in rite. The Anatolian argument of Iakovides lacked
evidence and cannot properly explain the presence of cremation in most regions
of Greece. The general lack of evidence for the period as well the low number
of sites make it hard to create a convincing model for the shift.
During the end of Mycenaean
culture all of Greece was experiencing a restructuring of society. The newly
formed social stratification may have accounted for a shift in burial practice
because the power of the elite had diminished. During LHIIIA-IIIB[60], there were almost no
cremation burials and the elites were “in a position to determine
what types of burials were 'allowed.'”[61] As the power of the elite
class changed, so did their ability to control burial practice. As a result,
the changing lower class may have desired to display their wealth through a
costly cremation. There is textual evidence to support the idea that cremation
burials were a sign of status. In The
Iliad there are a few descriptions of large pyres. In one scene Homer
wrote, “those
who were about the dead heaped up wood and built a pyre a hundred feet this way
and that; then they laid the dead all sorrowfully upon the top of it.”[62] While Homer is not known for
his historical accuracy, Ian Morris argued that Homer's descriptions of burials
were “unattended
evidence”
and contained some truth relevant to culture.[63] He argued specifically the
size of the mound used in the cremation of Patroclus connected the concepts of
cremation and status.[64] William Furley took it
further and argued that “Homeric piety” is “to burn as many animal
thigh-bones as possible, [and], regarding corpses, to give them their 'ration
of fire.'”[65] The works of Homer made many
references to cremations and made them appear as if they were common for the
period. While this is not true, the stories undoubtedly have basis in truth.
Regardless of whether a
changing social structure allowed cremations to occur commonly, the religious
or ritualistic purpose remains unexplained. However, a possible explanation for
the appearance of cremation in the Dark Age was the need for purity. The Greek
conception of impurity of the flesh was a continuous and widespread belief. The
dead body was viewed as the epitome of impurity. In the Classical period,
mourners dealing with a corpse were briefly shut off from society. Those who
visited the house of the mourners purified themselves afterwards.[66] During the Archaic period,[67] rotting flesh was just as
unappealing to the Greeks. Once a body had been entombed, it was only handled
after the flesh had decomposed. One exception was tomb Σ3 at Perati; the bones had in
fact been moved before decomposition, but a secondary offering of seashells was
placed on charcoal where the body had been positioned. This was assumed to have
happened because the body had been moved, revealing the importance attributed
to the impurity of the flesh.[68]
While the phenomenon of tomb
reuse is a separate issue in the archaeology of the Late Helladic period, it is
related to the change in rite. Archaeologists William Cavanagh and Christopher
Mee theorized that in multiple inhumation graves from LHIIIC, older burials
were cremated before new burials were entombed.[69] Cavanagh said, “the flame consumes the
corrupt flesh leaving the grave chamber clean and the bones white.”[70] Thomatos rejected Cavanagh's
theory because of a lack of evidence. Yet Cavanagh's theory touched upon the
concepts of secondary burial, fire, and purification. The concept of a fire
ritual attached to a re-internment seems almost obvious. Carl Blegen theorized
that a purificatory ritual would have the practical purpose of countering the stench
of decay.[71] Blegen, Cavanagh, and Mee
all shared the theory that multiple burials were the impetus behind a fire
ritual in burial.[72]
During the earlier Mycenaean
periods there was a definite connection between sanctity and fire ritual.
Sacred hearths as well as ashen remains were present in the megaron[73] structures. There were
consistent traces of burning at all strata at Ayia Irini,[74] as well as lanterns and
braziers at the sanctuaries of Phlyakopi[75] and Mycenae.[76] Textual evidence related to
ritual existed in Linear B tablets from Pylos. In the Pylian tablets there was
mention of the “pu-ka-wo” or “fire-tender”/“fire-kindler” in association with
religious acts.[77] In the Middle Helladic
period “layers
of fire, ashes, charcoal and traces of burning are frequently attested in
funerary locales...and their presence has been considered purificatory.”[78] Blegen, Cavanagh and Mee all
shared the view that the fire rituals were a response to multiple burials, but
all saw the practice as lacking supporting evidence.[79] Yet, excavations of many
tombs in the Argolid showed evidence of some type of burning: chamber tomb[80] 10 had a thin layer of
ashes, and a wall with burn marks. Other tombs like the Dendra tholos[81], Dendra tomb 13, Asine I:1,
Asine I:7, Berbati I, Berbati III, Deiras I, and Prosymna VII contained “human skeletal remains and
offerings [that] were accidentally blackened, scorched, and even calcinated.”[82] In addition to ashen layers
within the tombs, archaeologists have discovered burnt objects throughout
palatial period graves.[83]
Fire ritual had been an
integral part of Greek funerary ritual since the Middle Helladic period. The
stress placed upon the impurity of dead flesh also existed simultaneously
throughout Greece. Models attempting to explain the shift to multiple burials
have argued that fire ritual had practical uses during the Middle Helladic.
Ashen layers discovered in many tholoi and cist graves from the Middle Helladic
also strengthened this concept. The idea of palatial-era fire ritual existing
into the Protogeometric period is therefore not unbelievable. If the fire
ritual associated with purification of the tomb was applied to the corpse, the natural
outcome would be a cremation. The Dark Age cemeteries like Perati, Torone,
Lefkandi, and Vergina all displayed forms of cremation which were not the fully
realized “primary
cremations”
seen after 700 BCE. The Dark Age cremations combined rites that were typical of
inhumation burials (Vergina) or displayed cremations of a lesser quality
(Perati). These cemeteries could have applied older fire rituals and created a
new form of burial. In the process, intermediate forms of cremation were
created which involved elements of inhumation.
The paucity of evidence, geographical scope, and
difficulties in precise dating have made satisfactory models of the change in
burial practice nearly impossible. For there to be a single theory which
explains the shift to cremation following the collapse of Mycenaean
civilization is unlikely. However, the shift to cremation appears to be from an
internal source, rather than foreign influence. The new practice was likely
derived from two societal factors present during the collapse of palatial
civilization. These factors were the change in societal structure and
previously held Mycenaean beliefs. The change in social structure is obvious in
the archaeological record, while the Mycenaean beliefs are evident in textual
sources like Homer and the Pylian tablets. The fire rituals that began in the
Middle Helladic period were well attested in various tholoi and chamber tombs.
These ashen layers have been used to explain multiple internment burial. The
Greek conceptions of impurity of dead flesh could have very well led to the use
of fire to destroy everything but the bones of a corpse. As this ritual became
more widespread it underwent changes in style. The secondary inhumations
present at Lefkandi, Perati, and Torone were one form. While the “simulacrum” burials at Lefkandi,
Assarlik, and Vergina were another. Through the combination of ritual and
societal change the process of cremation was standardized and primary
cremations became the dominant form of burial after 700 BCE.
